The 1975 Emergency is back in the news, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi calling it a ‘crime’ on his June 18 episode of radio broadcast ‘Mann Ki Baat’.

He also described the Emergency, declared on June 25, as a ‘dark period’ in India’s history.In Tamil Nadu, Chief Minister M K Stalin once remarked that the BJP’s rule is authoritarian and worse than the Emergency.

So, what happened in TN during the Emergency?In TN, Congress (O) leader K Kamaraj fretted that the nation was lost.

He died a broken man on October 2, 1975.

AIADMK leader MG Ramachandran and the CPI welcomed the Emergency narrowing the DMK’s options.

CPM opposed the Emergency.

Pushed to a corner, the DMK chose to oppose the measure.

Cho Ramaswamy describes DMK president M Karunanidhi as “a reluctant opponent” who later “put on the mantle of a great fighter against the Emergency”.Yet, Karunanidhi failed to stave off his ministry’s dismissal on January 31, 1976, and the subsequent jailing of hundreds of DMK men, including his son Stalin and nephew, the late Murasoli Maran.On June 26, 1975, and well through to the next morning, Karunanidhi was closeted with DMK general secretary Era Nedunchezhian and treasurer K Anbazhagan on what ought to be the DMK’s response.

The party executive took up the Karunanidhi crafted resolution, which described the Emergency as the ‘inauguration of dictatorship’.

Despite fears expressed by a section of the executive that opposition would lead to the ministry’s dismissal, the resolution was adopted unanimously by 63 of the 75 members present.

Murasoli carried the headline ‘Indira Gandhi becomes a dictator’ with a cartoon depicting her transformation into the Nazi dictator Adolf Hitler.There was no going back now.

In 1994, Karunanidhi claimed a central minister(most likely C Subramaniam) came home to advise him to retract the resolution and, in return, promised his government’s extension.

Karunanidhi says he chose not to bend.

But the relationship with the Congress (I) was beyond mend, and the Emergency was just the last straw.Karunanidhi had taken care to see that the opposition was not from his administration – hence the resolution had emanated from the DMK executive.

But these nuances were lost on Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who was under a siege mentality.

On October 30, 1975, when AIADMK’s P Srinivasan wondered in the legislative assembly why he had not moved an official resolution, Karunanidhi famously replied, “A warrior would know which hand should hold the sword and which the shield.

” The speech issued as a booklet titled Sword and Shield was banned the following year.On July 1, 1975, the prime minister announced the 20-point programme to rein in prices and alleviate rural indebtedness.

Karunanidhi welcomed it, hoping for further ‘progressive measures’ including nationalising major industries.

However, three days later, Murasoli Maran told the US consul general in Chennai that the DMK was prepared for the long haul, that Indira Gandhi was wooing Kamaraj, for with him beside her, she would feel emboldened to strike at the DMK.

On the other hand, if the DMK and Kamaraj were to join forces, she ‘will not be able to control the situation in TN’.

That day, Kamaraj fretted to Karunanidhi and Nedunchezhian that he felt the “country is lost”.Two days later, the DMK’s top three addressed a gathering at the marina where Karunanidhi clarified the rally’s purpose was to ‘safeguard democracy’ and not to criticise Indira Gandhi.

However, Karunanidhi’s speech was laced with biting sarcasm.

Pointing out that the ‘great change’ of 1969 (when banks were nationalised and privy purses abolished) would have gone astray if not for the DMK, Karunanidhi said: “V V Giri was elected President! Indira madam could continue in office!” because of the DMK.

“What would have happened to India” if the DMK had chosen to hold back then, he posed rhetorically.

“The DMK is accused of treason.

We gave ₹6 crore for the 1971 war fund.

Is that treason?”Karunanidhi said that his administration had launched and implemented 15 of the 20-point programme years ago.

He noted that 30,000 houses for Adi Dravidas and plans for 5,000 houses for fishermen were underway and that the 20-point programme fell short compared to the DMK’s vision.

A year later, in August 1976, he would claim that his party had felt ‘heartfelt love’ for the 20-point programme and ‘no one could match the DMK to propagate’ it.In the end, Karunanidhi administered a solemn pledge in DMK founder Anna’s (C.

N.

Annadurai) name to the assembled at the marina “to protect Indian democracy under any circumstances and in any eventuality”.

Only six weeks later, Karunanidhi would extend an olive branch to Indira Gandhi when on August 9, 1975, at the fifth Tirunelveli district conference, Anbazhagan proposed and Nedunchezhian seconded a resolution calling on Karunanidhi to undertake efforts to ‘change the extraordinary situation’ by engaging CMs and meeting the PM.On September 13, the US consul general noted the ambivalence and how “DMK has been walking both sides of the street”.

“Karunanidhi termed the emergency ‘good’ last month.

His recent trip to New Delhi, although still somewhat shrouded in mystery, represents further erosion of his early (in the emergency) stand against the prime minister’s actions,” noted the consul general.On December 15, 1976, on Karunanidhi’s invite, leaders of the opposition from the Congress (O), Bharatiya Lok Dal, Jan Sangh, Praja Socialist, Revolutionary Socialist and Akali Dal met at DMK MP Nedunchezhian’s residence in Delhi.

Ashok Mehta, A B Vajpayee and Biju Patnaik were present.

Karunanidhi later recorded that “no one can deny that this was the first and foremost reason for the birth of the Janata Party”.In his welcome address, Karunanidhi said that a way must be found to normalise the situation in the country.

On some conditioning the talks to lifting the Emergency, Karunanidhi sagely said conditionalities from either side would be unhelpful.

The next day, leaders continued meeting at H M Patel’s house, where a communique indicating their readiness for talks with the government was finalised.

Karunanidhi forwarded it with a letter to Indira Gandhi.

It is unclear if Indira Gandhi responded to this letter.

However, events cascaded fast, and Indira Gandhi felt confident enough to announce elections and release the leaders.